I move: Harvard
College shall not discipline,
penalize, or otherwise sanction
students for joining, or
affiliating with, any lawful organization,
political party, or social, political,
or other affinity group.
This is a simple motion. It says Harvard College can’t
punish students for joining a club. It does NOT say that students who belong to
clubs can’t be punished for bad things they do. It does NOT take away any tool
that has been used in the past to discipline students for their behavior. It
would, however, block several social club policies that have been proposed over
the past year and a half.
I cannot find a single case prior to May 2016 when Harvard said
it would punish a student for joining any organization -- a club or anything
else. To the contrary, when Harvard barred ROTC from campus, we explicitly
rejected the idea of punishing ROTC students for joining a discriminatory organization.
And in the 1950s, when Senator McCarthy called on Harvard to fire one of us,
Wendell Furry of the Physics Department, for being a member of the Communist
Party, President Pusey refused on principle, in spite of enormous political
pressure and his own anti-communist sentiments. Harvard today holds the moral
high ground. We would give it up if we were to adopt any policy that would
punish students for joining a club.
Some who are concerned about my motion have asked me, “but
what if a student joins X”—and then name some particularly odious national
organization. Well, we have survived a long time without any rules against
joining hated organizations. This is not the time to institute such a rule in
order to crush some off-campus sorority.
Students should not give up their rights peaceably to
assemble off campus when they enroll here, any more than they give up their
rights to read, write, and say what they wish. Indeed, by becoming students
they do not give up their right to have private lives. All these freedoms are
fundamental to our educational mission.
In a Faculty meeting last year, I teasingly referred to the
possibility of an Index of Prohibited Organizations, like the Index of
Prohibited Books of the medieval Church. Little did I expect that the
Clark-Khurana Committee would publish exactly such an Index—in fact a list that
was expanded beyond what had been proposed before the committee reviewed the policy.
Let’s not go down the path of trying to maintain a list of the sort that even
the Roman Church eventually realized was a bad idea.
If we can’t remember history, at least let’s look to the
future. Suppose we publish a list of clubs and punish their members. What will
we do when government officials again demand that we punish members of some
allegedly un-American group? In the year of the Muslim ban, would anyone be
surprised if the government tried to put us to the test? Would we say, “Oh no. At
Harvard, we suspend civil liberties only
for organizations that threaten our deepest values, like the Bee and the Owl,
not the ones you think are bad for the
nation.”
I am grateful for the hard work of the committees that have
worked on this difficult task, but I must note how little is said in their
reports about the social structures they seek to destroy. The caricature of
off-campus clubs as bastions of privilege, full of the stock of the Puritans learning
to discriminate against other people, is not based in fact, certainly not in any
facts presented in the report. Indeed, the report contains almost no facts of
any kind. It does not even mention that more women than men are members of
affected clubs. There is no data showing how many incidents have been reported
at which clubs. That data might have shown that most of the trouble is caused
by only a handful of the clubs, including only a few of the men’s and coed clubs
and none of the women’s clubs. That would suggest that a narrower remedy made
more sense than the broader ones that are proposed.
Data may be hard to come by, but then how will the College
know who is in these private organizations? The report doesn’t say. Will we encourage
students to turn each other in?
It is not true that everything else has been tried to combat
bad behavior at the problematic clubs. There is no right to unpeaceable assembly; we should call in
the police when students break the law. And we should tell students which clubs
are dangerous places, and why. When muggings occur in Cambridge, we don’t just
say, “there is crime in Cambridge, so students must stay on campus.” We tell
them where they shouldn’t go, explain why, and expect them to protect
themselves. To the extent that Harvard’s legal liability is driving any of this,
or indeed to the extent that we are worried about student safety, education would
be more effective as well as more appropriate.
I urge you to read Jason Mitchell’s superb minority report. From
the beginning this has been an attempt to kill the men’s final clubs without much
concern for the collateral damage from making a much broader rule. Let’s be
clear what problem we are trying to solve and then go straight after it. Strengthening
the Houses does not require punishing students for hanging out off campus
sometimes. Opening “networks of power” to women does not require destroying the
networks they have created for themselves.
And there is no silver bullet in Professor Allen’s astonishingly
sweeping motion either. To “establish
policies that protect individual freedoms while upholding the educational
mission of the College” is exactly what committees have been trying to do for a
year; it is time for a statement of principle from the faculty, not a carte blanche handoff to the
administration. As the Clark-Khurana committee notes, the Allen motion raises
but does not answer the question of what to do if the clubs do not cooperate. Punishing
their members is not the right answer.
I beg you, this is not a trivial matter. Students engaged in
unlawful or violent behavior should pay a price for what they do. But nobody
should be punished just for joining a club. Not us, and not our students. Thank
you.
Added after the meeting. A medievalist points out that the Index was NOT, in fact, a medieval invention; it emerged in the sixteenth century. In other words, it was a reaction to the Enlightenment, not a piece of pre-Enlightenment church culture. I regret the error.
Added after the meeting. A medievalist points out that the Index was NOT, in fact, a medieval invention; it emerged in the sixteenth century. In other words, it was a reaction to the Enlightenment, not a piece of pre-Enlightenment church culture. I regret the error.
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